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Peter Fraser (; 28 August 1884 – 12 December 1950) was a New Zealand politician who served as the 24th prime minister of New Zealand from 27 March 1940 until 13 December 1949. Considered a major figure in the history of the New Zealand Labour Party, he was in office longer than any other Labour prime minister, and is to date New Zealand's fourth-longest-serving head of government.
Born and raised in the Scottish Highlands, Fraser left education early in order to support his family. While working in London in 1908, Fraser joined the Independent Labour Party, but unemployment led him to emigrate to New Zealand in 1910. On arrival in Auckland, he gained employment as a wharfie and became involved in trade union politics upon joining the New Zealand Socialist Party. In 1916, Fraser was involved in the foundation of the unified Labour Party. He spent one year in jail for sedition after speaking out against conscription during the First World War. In 1918, Fraser won a Wellington by-election and entered the House of Representatives.
Fraser became a cabinet minister in , serving under Michael Joseph Savage. He held several portfolios and had a particular interest in education, which he considered vital for social reform. As Minister of Health, he introduced the Social Security Act 1938, which established a universal health care service. Fraser became the Leader of the Labour Party and prime minister in 1940, following Savage's death in office.
Fraser is best known for leading the country during the Second World War when he mobilised New Zealand supplies and volunteers to support Britain while boosting the economy and maintaining home front morale. He formed a war cabinet which included several erstwhile political opponents. Labour suffered significant losses in the election, though the party retained its majority.
Following the war, Fraser was active in the affairs of the 'new' Commonwealth and is credited with increasing New Zealand's international stature. Fraser led his party to its fourth successive election victory in , albeit with a further reduced majority. The after-effects of the war, including ongoing shortages, were affecting his government's popularity. Labour lost the and Fraser's government was succeeded by the first National Party government. Almost exactly one year later, Fraser died from a heart attack aged 66.
Becoming politically active in his early teens, he was 16 years old upon attaining the post of secretary of the local Liberal Association, and, eight years later, in 1908, joined the Independent Labour Party. Peter Fraser. Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved on 24 December 2017.
He gained employment as a stevedore (or "wharfie") on arrival in Auckland, and became involved in trade union politics upon joining the New Zealand Socialist Party. Fraser worked as campaign manager for Michael Joseph Savage as the Socialist candidate for Auckland Central electorate. He was also involved in the New Zealand Federation of Labour, which he represented at Waihi during the Waihi miners' strike of 1912. He moved to Wellington, the country's capital, shortly afterwards. Savage went on to be Fraser's predecessor in office as the nation's first Labour prime minister.
In 1913, he participated in the founding of the Social Democratic Party and, during the year, within the scope of his union activities, found himself under arrest for breaches of the peace. While the arrest led to no serious repercussions, it did prompt a change of strategy – he moved away from direct action and began to promote a parliamentary route to power.
Upon Britain's entry into the First World War, he strongly opposed New Zealand participation since, sharing the belief of many left-wing thinkers, Fraser considered the conflict an "imperialism war", fought for reasons of national interest rather than of principle.
Later in 1916, the government had Fraser and several other members of the new Labour Party arrested on charges of sedition. This resulted from their outspoken opposition to the war, and particularly their call to abolish conscription. Fraser received a sentence of one year in jail. He always rejected the verdict, claiming he would only have committed subversion had he taken active steps to undermine conscription, rather than merely voicing his disapproval.
After his release from prison, Fraser worked as a journalist for the official Labour Party newspaper. He also resumed his activities within the Labour Party, initially in the role of campaign manager for Harry Holland.
Fraser made a comeback on the council when he was persuaded to stand in a 1933 by-election. Wright was his main opponent and was victorious in a heavy polling contest which was dubbed by the media as a "grudge match" repeat of 1923. Fraser was re-elected to the Council in 1935, topping the poll with more votes than any other candidate. The next year he decided to resign from the council in order to focus on his ministerial duties. A by-election was avoided when Andrew Parlane, also the highest polling unsuccessful candidate from 1935, was the only nominated candidate.
During his early years in parliament, Fraser developed a clearer sense of his political beliefs. Although initially enthusiastic about the Russian October Revolution of 1917 and its Bolshevik leaders, he rejected them soon afterwards, and eventually became one of the strongest advocates of excluding communism from the Labour Party. His commitment to parliamentary politics rather than to direct action became firmer, and he had a moderating influence on many Labour Party policies.
Fraser's views clashed considerably with those of Harry Holland, still serving as leader, but the party gradually shifted its policies away from the more extreme left of the spectrum. Fraser soon became convinced that political action via parliamentary process was the only realistic course of action to achieve Labour movement ambitions. As a result, he accepted the inevitable compromises (which Holland did not) that the attainment of parliamentary success required.
In 1933, however, Holland died, leaving the leadership vacant. Fraser considered contesting it, but eventually endorsed Michael Joseph Savage, Holland's more moderate deputy. Fraser became the new deputy leader. While Savage represented perhaps less moderate views than Fraser, he lacked the extreme ideology of Holland. With Labour now possessing a "softer" image and the existing conservative coalition struggling with the effects of the Great Depression, Savage's party succeeded in winning the and forming a government.
Fraser served as vice-president of the Labour Party in 1919–1920, and as party president in 1920–1921.
He had a particular interest in education, which he considered vital for social reform. His appointment of C.E. Beeby to the Education Department provided him with a valuable ally for these reforms. Fraser held a passionate belief that education had a huge part to play in the social reform he desired.
Fraser's narrowly elitist and Anglophile cultural perspectives are illustrated by his crucial role in planning New Zealand's 1940 Centennial celebrations. He used his cultural protege James Shelly, an Englishman who insisted that England was to be the source of New Zealand's cultural life – and by 'cultural' Shelley and Fraser meant so-called high culture sourced from England. As head of the 1940 Centennial Musical Celebrations Shelley followed Fraser in insisting the music would be 'high' culture only. He reassured Fraser that "established Musical Societies, who, throughout New Zealand’s history, have done such magnificent and effective work in developing and keeping alive that appreciation of good music which is so essential to the cultural development of the people of any country." To implement this the Government would import from England "a Musical Adviser and a sufficient number of outstanding Soloists." The result:"a sumtuous feast of good music." Neither Fraser nor Shelley contemplated involving New Zealand born performers and artists.James Shelley, letter to J.T. Waugh, Private Secretary, Prime Minister’s Office, AADL564 box 87b 1/9/19, ANZ ; Ian Carter, Gadfly: The Life and Times of James Shelley (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1993); Carter, 'Shelley, James 1884 – 1961'. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, updated 22 June 2007. < http://www.dnzb.govt.nz.>; Beeby, Biography, pp.46–8
As Minister of Health, Fraser also became the driving force behind the 1938 Social Security Act. The Act proposed a comprehensive health care system, free at the point of use; it faced strong opposition, particularly from the New Zealand branch of the British Medical Association. Eventually, Fraser negotiated effectively enough to force the Association to yield. Fortunately for him, Janet Fraser had long volunteered in the health and welfare fields and was an invaluable adviser and collaborator.
When the Second World War broke out in 1939, Fraser had already taken over most of the functions of national leadership. Michael Joseph Savage had been ill for some time and was near death, although the authorities concealed this from the public. Fraser had to assume most of the Prime Minister's duties in addition to his own ministerial ones. Internal disputes within the Labour Party made Fraser's position more difficult. John A. Lee, a notable socialist within the Party, vehemently disapproved of the party's perceived drift towards the political centre, and strongly criticised Savage and Fraser. Lee's attacks, however, became strong enough that even many of his supporters denounced them. Fraser and his allies successfully moved to expel Lee from the Party on 25 March 1940.
Despite the concession, Fraser remained in command, occasionally alienating colleagues due to a governing style described by some as "authoritarian". Some of his determination to exercise control may have come about due to the war, on which Fraser focused almost exclusively. Nevertheless, certain measures he implemented, such as censorship, Wage Regulation, and conscription, proved unpopular with the party. In particular, conscription provoked strong opposition, especially since Fraser himself had opposed it during the First World War. Fraser replied that fighting in the Second World War, unlike in the First World War, had indeed a worthy cause, making conscription a necessary evil. Despite opposition from within the Labour Party, enough of the general public supported conscription to allow its acceptance.
During the war, Fraser attempted to build support for an understanding between Labour and its main rival, the National Party. However, opposition within both parties prevented reaching an agreement, and Labour continued to govern alone. Fraser did, however, work closely with Gordon Coates, a former prime minister and now a National-Party rebel – Fraser praised Coates for his willingness to set aside his party loyalty, and appears to have believed that National leader Sidney Holland placed the interests of his party before national unity.
In terms of the war effort itself, Fraser had a particular concern with ensuring that New Zealand retained control over its own forces. He believed that the more populous countries, particularly United Kingdom, viewed New Zealand's military as a mere extension of their own, rather than as the armed forces of a sovereign nation. After particularly serious New Zealand losses in the Greek campaign in 1941, Fraser determined to retain a say as to where to deploy New Zealand troops. Fraser insisted to British leaders that Bernard Freyberg, commander of the 2nd New Zealand Expeditionary Force, should report to the New Zealand government just as extensively as to the British authorities.
When Japan entered the war in December 1941, Fraser had to choose between recalling New Zealand's forces to the Pacific (as Australia had done) or keeping them in the Middle East (as British prime minister Winston Churchill requested). Opinion was divided on the question and New Zealand's manpower resources were already stretched to capacity. Fraser received assurances from U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt that American forces would be made available for New Zealand's defence. The local populace possessed an understandable view that the division's proper place was defending their homes. Fraser weighed up public opinions against the strategic arguments involved and eventually opted to leave New Zealand's Expeditionary Force where it was.
In a remarkable display of political acumen and skill, he then persuaded a divided government and Parliament to give their full support to. It was leadership of the highest order.
Fraser had a very rocky relationship with U.S. Secretary of State Cordell Hull, particularly over the Canberra Pact in January 1944. Hull gave Fraser a sharp and rather demeaning dressing-down when Fraser visited Washington D.C. in mid-1944, which resulted in New Zealand's military becoming sidelined to some extent in the conduct of the Pacific War.
In 1943 Fraser arranged for 6,000 men to return home from the Mediterranean theatre for a three-month furlough (period of military leave), anticipating that the grateful men and their families would be more disposed to vote Labour in the general election. Upon arrival, however, many of the veterans were furious at the numbers in reserved occupations, some of whom were making menial goods of no use to the war effort. Moreover, unions had ensured that bonuses and high pay were awarded to munitions workers, far in excess of the money paid to the men in combat. "No man twice before every man first" became one of the returning soldiers' mantras, and several thousand of them secured an exemption from further service due to age or being married.
A number of the remainder were , sentenced to 90 days' imprisonment and forced to return, though some had deserted and were not able to be found. Further, they were denied a military pension and refused government jobs. Due to censorship, the public heard little of the protests and the affair, known as the "Furlough Mutiny", was omitted from post-war history books for many years.
In 1946, a means test for family benefits and grants to mothers was lifted. ips policy paper number nineteen / 2004 The Quest for Security and Welfare in New Zealand 1938–1956 by Frank Holmes, P.8 Also in 1946, a Factories Act was introduced that included various provisions aimed at ensuring good working conditions, such as prohibiting overtime employment for those under the age of 16,1947 NEW ZEALAND DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR (REPORT OF THE) Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency The Hon. the Minister of Labour to His Excellency the Governor-General Wellington, 23rd June, 1947, P.17 increasing the air space available to each person, and tackling sweating.Poverty and Progress in New Zealand: A Re-assessment by William Ball Sutch, 1969 The Act also included provisions concerning means of access and safety of places of employment, dangerous liquids, machinery, and means of escape when there is a fire to ensure workplace safety. 1947 NEW ZEALAND DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR (REPORT OF THE) Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency The Hon. the Minister of Labour to His Excellency the Governor-General Wellington, 23rd June, 1947, P.18 In addition, it empowered the Factory Inspector to require (as noted by one study) “the provision of a canteen where the number of persons employed in a factory and requiring their meals at the factory exceeds 100.”Welfare Facilities for Workers Part 1 By International Labour Office, 1954, P.12 That same year, a mothers allowance was introduced for widows with dependent children.Social Security in New Zealand Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry By New Zealand, 1972, P.152 In 1947, an Adult Education Act was introduced that established a National Council of Adult Education (as noted by one study) “to promote and to administer work in the adult education field, as well as to foster cultivation of the arts.” Education in New Zealand By Marcia Taff Berrien, 1964, P.70 The following year, a Tuberculosis Act was introduced that included various provisions aimed at combating the disease. Mycobacterium Tuberculosis: Molecular Infection Biology, Pathogenesis, Diagnostics and New Interventions, Editors: Seyed E. Hasnain, Nasreen Z. Ehtesham, Sonam Grover, 2019, P.90 A number of state-funded cultural institutions were also set up, A Popular Vision The Arts and the Left in New Zealand 1930-1950 By Rachel Barrowman, 1991, P.4 including a Literary Fund aimed at helping writers struggling. The Ivory Tower and Beyond Participant Historians of the Pacific By Doug Munro, 2009, P.30
Fraser had a particularly close working relationship with Alister McIntosh, the head of the Prime Minister's department during most of Fraser's premiership and then of the Department of External Affairs, created in 1946. McIntosh privately described his frustration with Fraser's workaholism, and with Fraser's insensitivity towards officials' needs for private lives; but the two men had a genuinely affectionate relationship.
Fraser also took up the role of Minister of Native Affairs (which he renamed Māori Affairs) in 1947. Fraser had had an interest in Māori concerns for some time, and he implemented a number of measures designed to reduce inequality. The Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, which he introduced in 1945, allowed Māori involvement and control over welfare programmes and other assistance.
The proposal was buried. Ironically, the National opposition prompted the adoption of the Statute in 1947 when its leader and future prime minister Sidney Holland introduced a private members' bill to abolish the Legislative Council, the country's upper house of parliament. Because New Zealand required the consent of the Parliament of the United Kingdom to amend the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852, Fraser decided to adopt the Statute with the Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1947.
The adoption of the Statute of Westminster was soon followed by the debate on the future of the British Commonwealth in its transformation into the Commonwealth of Nations. In April 1949 Ireland, formerly the Irish Free State, declared itself a republic and ceased to be a member of the Commonwealth. In response to this, the New Zealand Parliament passing the Republic of Ireland Act the following year, which treated Ireland as if it were still a member of the Commonwealth. Republic of Ireland Act 1950 (1950 No 13) Meanwhile, newly independent India would have to leave the Commonwealth on becoming a republic also, although it was the Indian prime minister's view that India should remain a member of the Commonwealth as a republic. Fraser believed that the Commonwealth could as a group address the evils of colonialism and maintain the solidarity of common defence.
To Fraser, the acceptance of India as a republican member would threaten the political unity of the Commonwealth. Fraser knew his domestic audience and was tough on republicanism or defence weakness to deflect criticism from the loyalist and imperialist-minded opposition National Party. Labour had been in office for fourteen years and faced an uphill battle to retain power against National at the general election, which would come just months after the high-profile April 1949 Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference. In March 1949 Fraser wrote to the Canadian prime minister, Louis St Laurent, stating his frustration and unease over India's position. Saint Laurent had indicated that he would not be able to attend the meeting where the issue of India's republican status would dominate. Fraser argued:
Fraser left little doubt New Zealand was opposed to India's membership as a republic when he stated to his colleagues at Downing Street:
The conference quashed a proposal of a two-tier structure that would have had the traditional Commonwealth realms, perhaps with defence pacts, on one tier, and the new members which opted for a republic, on the second tier. The final compromise is perhaps best seen from the title finally accepted for the King, as Head of the Commonwealth.
Fraser argued that the compromise allowed the Commonwealth dynamism, that would in the future allow former colonies of Africa to join as republics and be stalwarts of this New Commonwealth. It also allowed New Zealand the freedom to maintain its individual status of loyalty to the Crown and to pursue collective defence. Indeed, Fraser cabled a senior minister, Walter Nash, after the decision was taken to accept India that "while the Declaration is not as I would have wished, it is on the whole acceptable and maximum possible, and does not at any rate leave our position unimpaired".
Labour's majority at the was reduced to one seat. The after-effects of the war were affecting his government's popularity. Fraser moved to the Wellington seat of Brooklyn, which he held until his death. From 1940 to 1949 Fraser lived in a house "Hill Haven" at 64–66 Harbour View Road, Northland, Wellington, which had been purchased for the use of the then-ill Savage in 1939. Dominion Post (Wellington), 2012: 1 December pE1 & 26 December pA14
Fraser's domestic policies came under criticism. His slow speed in removing war-time rationing and his support for compulsory military training during peacetime in the 1949 referendum particularly damaged him politically. Some thought this hypocritical compared to Fraser's earlier sentiments on the subject. Much earlier in his career, in 1927 he is noted to have said that compulsory military training was "out of date, inefficient and not worth the money spent on it".
With dwindling support from traditional Labour voters, and a population weary of war-time measures, Fraser's popularity declined. At this stage of his career, Fraser relied heavily on the party "machine". As a result, the gap between the party leadership and rank and file members widened to the point where Labour's political enthusiasm dwindled. In the the National Party defeated his government.
In 2021, Janet Fraser and Peter Fraser, in recognition of their help for the Polish children were awarded by the President of Poland with Virtus et Fraternitas Medal.
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